Here Are All the Tax Increases in the GOP Tax Plan

GOP tax increases

The GOP’s ambitious tax reform plan is out, and it’s officially titled the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.”

If the measure is passed and becomes law, it’ll make history as the first meaningful case of sweeping tax reform since Ronald Reagan in the 1980s.

The most drastic change that tax reform makes is in lowering most individual tax rates while simultaneously broadening the tax base (i.e., what’s subject to tax).

On the cuts size, there’s plenty to like. As we summarized in a separate column, there are plenty of cuts:

Tax brackets will also be indexed to inflation, meaning there’s no risk of earners being pushed into higher tax brackets from inflation.

The estate tax will also be repealed, which is long overdue. Introduced as a tax to pay for WWI, it’s a reminder that there’s no such thing as a “temporary tax.” Also seldom discussed is that it’s a pointless tax. According to a 1992 study by economists Henry J. Aaron and Alicia H. Munnell, they estimate the “cost of complying with estate taxes to be one dollar for every dollar of revenue raised – nearly five times more costly per dollar of revenue than the notoriously complex federal income tax.”

But as we also reported, there are some dirty details – and you don’t see Congressional Republicans mentioning them. One in particulate acts as a surcharge on the rich, which is included in the tax plan to make-up for the lost revenues from millionaires benefiting from lower-bracket tax cuts. Remember, because we have a progressive tax system, we all pay the same 10% on our first $10,000 in income, so even a billionaire would technically benefit from a cut in that rate.

According to a Politico report, “After the first $1 million in taxable income, the government would impose a 6 percent surcharge on every dollar earned, until it made up for the tax benefits that the rich receive from the low tax rate on that first $45,000. That surcharge remains until the government has clawed back the full $12,420, which would occur at about $1.2 million in taxable income. At that point, the surcharge disappears and the top tax rate drops back to 39.6 percent. This type of tax is sometimes called a ‘bubble tax,’ because the marginal tax rate effectively bubbles up for a brief period before falling back to a lower level.”

And then there are the more “hidden” tax increases. Remember, in addition to changing marginal tax rates, changes in the tax code can change effective tax rates by increasing or decreasing deductions. For example. if someone in the 35% tax bracket has the amount of mortgage interest he can write-off each year decrease by $5,000, it’ll be the same effect as a tax hike of $1,750 ($5000 multiplied by the 35% tax rate). So on that note, let’s look at the many ways the GOP tax plan offsets revenue losses from tax cuts by “base broadening.”

There are also “base broadening” measures for business as well, including:

And here’s one of the biggest hidden tax increases in the GOP plan. The bill allows small businesses currently being taxed at an individual rate to be taxed at a 25% rate. But there’s a catch (via Axios): “The default option is for 30 percent of income to be deemed business income, while the other 70 percent would be taxed at the filer’s individual rate. The business income would be taxed at the 25 percent rate, while the rate for the individual income would be higher.

The National Federation of Independent Business has come out against this provision, arguing that “We are concerned that the pass-through provision does not help most small businesses. Small business is the engine of the economy. We believe that tax reform should provide substantial relief to all small businesses, so they can reinvest their money, grow, and create jobs.”

Of course, despite those increases, the tax plan does lower taxes on net basis. Even with all tax increases factored in, the Tax Foundation does estimate that the plan includes nearly a trillion dollars in net tax cuts over the next decade.

The economic fruits the plan yields will ideally also help “pay for” the tax cuts. The Tax Foundation for instance predicts that the plan will create the equivalent of one-million full time jobs, among other benefits.

The President’s Council of Economic Advisors recently released a report showing a drastically higher estimate for wages, finding that updating the U.S. business tax code to compete with other countries around the world could boost workers’ wages by $4,000, and as much as $9,000 a year.

By their second decade in effect, economic gains are expected to “pay for” half of the tax cuts.

Now, all the Congress needs to do is finally cut spending. The 2018 budget allots for $4.094 trillion in spending, and there’s plenty of cuts that could be made. Anyone who thinks that we “can’t afford” to spend less (due to the presumably disadvantaged beneficiaries of government spending being cut off) clearly hasn’t looked at the history of government spending. In 2012-era inflation adjusted dollars, our federal government didn’t break $4,000 per person until the 1960s. That had doubled by 1985 – and is on track to double again. Bear in mind that state and local spending has also been on a constant trajectory straight upward as well.

For the first time in decades Democrats will pretend to be fiscally responsible in questioning whether or not the country can afford the Trump tax cuts, but a better question to ask would’ve been to ask if we could afford the federal government’s spending under Obama’s tenure. There are twenty trillion reasons to say we couldn’t.

By Matt
Matt is the co-founder of Unbiased America and a freelance writer specializing in economics and politics. He’s been published ... More about Matt
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